Shakespeare's immortal lines—"Upon what meat doth this our Caesar feed,/That he has grown so great?"—was written of Julius Caesar. But they might just as well have been spoken of Yuan Shih-k'ai, a statesman who entered China's Republican period as an ill-fated anachronism of the dynastic past.
Yuan Shih-k'ai succeeded Dr. Sun Yat-sen as Provisional President of the Republic of China on March 10, 1912. The meat on which he had been feeding was stronger stuff than a presidency, however, and he dreamed of becoming emperor. To pave the way for his enthronement, Yuan forced the National Assembly to revise the Provisional Constitution and give him a grant of power good for 10 years.
His next step was the dimissal of three provincial governors holding membership in the Kuomintang (Nationalist Party): Li Lieh-chun of Kiangsi, Po Wen-wei of Anhwei and Hu Han-min of Kwangtung. These provinces declared their independence and civil war broke out. Yuan was well prepared and the second Revolution of the Kuomintang lasted only a few weeks.
In November of 1913, Yuan Shih-k'ai disbanded the Kuomintang, dissolved the National Assembly and persuaded gentry and newspapers to come out in favor of a return to monarchical rule. He was at the same time secretly negotiating for a loan of £25 million from a consortium made up of Great Britain, Germany, France, Russia and Japan to modernize his army.
World War I broke out in July of 1914. Despite Chinese neutrality, Japan occupied Tsingtao, a Chinese seaport leased to Germany. Yuan closed his eyes to this in hope the Japanese would help him in time of need. In January of 1915 the Japanese minister in Peking delivered a note making "21 Demands" of Yuan as the price for recognizing his monarchical government. Yuan Shih-k'ai accepted the Japanese terms four months later. On December 12, 1915, he proclaimed himself Emperor Hung Hsien and renamed the state Chung Hua Ti Kuo (the Chinese Empire).
Yuan Shih-k'ai was born in 1859 to a well-to-do family of Honan province in East China. As a student, he was more interested in athletics and military drill than classroom studies. In 1880, he became a staff officer to General Wu Ch'ang-ch'ing of the Anhwei Army. Two years later he followed Wu to Korea, where he later became a protege of Li Hung-chang, who controlled foreign affairs: under the Dowager Empress T'zu Hsi.
In 1885, after China and Japan signed the Treaty of Tientsin to resolve the Korean problem, Li appointed Yuan Chinese imperial resident at Seoul in charge of diplomatic and commercial affairs. Shortly after ward, Yuan became commander-in-chief of an imperial army at Tientsin.
In 1901, Yuan Shih-k'ai was made viceroy of Chihli where Li Hung-chang had held sway for 30 years. Here his ability as an organizer and administrator was shown to good advantage. He built up a model army, developed education and fostered the growth of industries and road building. With the aid of foreign advisers, he became one of the progressive administrators of the times. He advanced from the post of viceroy to grand secretary and then president of the Board of Foreign Affairs, a position in which he dared to differ with the Empress Dowager Tzu Hsi over the choice of a successor to Emperor Kuang Hsu.
At the time of Yuan Shih-k'ai's rise, the Manchu court had its hands full of troubles. There was strife in the royal family and sporadic uprisings of the Revolutionaries led by Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Seeking a way out, the throne reshuffled the cabinet, which had been made up entirely of Manchu princes, took steps toward a constitutional monarchy and gave full power to Yuan, who had been associated with some of the Revolutionary leaders.
After founding of the Republic and Dr. Sun's inauguration as the first Provisional President, Yuan's generals threatened to restore the monarchy. But when Dr. Sun agreed to yield the presidency to Yuan as the price of peace, the generals came out for the republican form of government.
Once Yuan Shih-k'ai's ambition to sit on the Dragon Throne became generally known, his subordinates became engaged in a heated debate. The pro-monarchical group was headed by Yang Tu, personal aide to Yuan and a member of the old Imperial Senate. The strongest figure on the other side was Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, the minister of justice.
Yang Tu reasoned that only under a monarchy could the constitution be enforced and that constitutional monarchy would be preferable to republican despotism. This is an excerpt from Yang's argument:
"Mr. Ko (or 'the stranger'): Since the establishment of the Republic, four years have passed and upon the President depends the preservation of order at home and the maintenance of prestige abroad. I suppose that after improving her internal administration for 10 or 20 years, China will become a rich and prosperous country, and will be able to stand in the front rank with Western nations.
"Mr. Hu: No! No! If China does not make any change in the form of government there is no hope for her becoming strong and rich. There is even no hope for her having a constitutional government. I say that China is doomed to perish.
"Mr. Ko: Why so?
"Mr. Hu: The republican form of government is responsible. The Chinese people are fond of good names, but they do not care much about the real welfare of the nation. No plan to save the country is possible. The formation of the Republic as a result of the first Revolution has prevented that.
"Mr. Ko: Why is it that there is no hope of China's becoming strong?
"Mr. Hu: The people of a republic are accustomed to listen to the talk of equality and freedom which must affect the political and more especially the military administration. In normal circumstances both the military and student classes are required to lay great emphasis upon unquestioned obedience and respect for those who hold high titles. The German and Japanese troops observe strict discipline and obey the orders of their chiefs. That is why they are regarded as the best soldiers in the world. France and America are in a different position. They are rich but not strong. The sole difference is that Germany and Japan are ruled by monarchs while France and America are republics. Our conclusion therefore is that no republic can be strong.
"But since the French and American peoples possess general education, they are in a position to assume responsibility for the good government of their nations which they keep in good order. On that account, although these republics are not strong in dealing with the Powers, they can maintain peace at home. China, however, is unlike these countries, for her standard of popular education is very low. Most of the Chinese soldiers declare as a commonplace: 'We eat the imperial food and we must therefore serve the imperial master.' But now the Imperial family is gone, and for it has been substituted an impersonal republic, of which they know nothing whatsoever. These soldiers are now law-abiding because they have awe-inspiring and respectful feelings for the man at the head of the state. But as the talk of equality and freedom has gradually influenced them, it has become a more difficult task to control them ... Now we have come to the point when we are deeply satisfied if the army of the Republic does not openly mutiny! We cannot expect any more from them save to hope that they will not mutiny and that they will be able to suppress internal disturbances. In the circumstances there is no use talking about resistance of a foreign invasion by these soldiers. As China, a republic, is situated between two countries, Japan and Russia, both of which have monarchical governments, how can we resist their aggression once diplomatic conversations begin? From this it is quite evident that there is nothing which can save China from destruction. Therefore I say there is no hope of China becoming strong.
"Mr. Ko: But why is it that there is no hope of China ever becoming rich?
"Mr. Hu: People may not believe that while France and America are rich China must remain poor. Nevertheless, the reason why France and America are rich is that they were allowed to work out their own salvation without foreign intervention for many years, and that at the same time they were free from internal disturbances. If any nation wishes to become rich, it must depend upon industries for its wealth. Now, what industries most fear is disorder and civil war. During the last two years order has been restored and many things have returned to their former state, but our industrial condition is the same as under the Manchu dynasty. Merchants who lost their capital during the troublous times and who are now poor have no way of retrieving their losses, while those who are rich are unwilling to invest their money in industrial undertakings, fearing that another civil war may break out at any moment, since they take the recent abortive second Revolution as their warning. In the future, we shall have disquietude every few years; that is whenever the President is changed. Thus our industrial and commercial condition will be in a still worse condition. If our industries are not developed, how can we expect to be strong? Take Mexico as a warning. There is very little difference between that country and China, which certainly cannot be compared with France and America. Therefore I say there is no hope for China ever becoming rich.
"Mr. Ko: Why is it that you say there is no hope for China having a constitutional government?
"Mr. Hu: A true republic must be conducted by many people possessing general education, political experience and a certain political morality. Its President is invested with power by the people to manage the general affairs of the state ... The majority of our people do not know what the republic is, nor do they know anything about a constitution nor have they any true sense of equality and freedom. Having overthrown the Empire and established in its place a Republic they believe that from now on they are subservient to no one, and they think they can do as they please. Ambitious men hold that any person may be President and if they cannot get the presidency by fair means of election they are prepared to fight for it with the assistance of troops and robbers ... Although we have a Provisional Constitution now and we have all kinds of legislative organs, which give to the country an appearance of constitutional government, China has a constitutional government in name only and is a monarchy in spirit. Had the government refrained from exercising monarchical power during the last four years, the people could not have enjoyed one day of peace. In short, China's republic must be governed by a monarchy through a constitutional government...
"As for our President, he can remain at the head of the state for a few years. At most he may hold office for several terms, or perhaps for his whole life. Then questions must arise as to who shall succeed him; how to elect his successor; how many rivals will there be; whether their policies will be different from his, etc., etc., ... Whilst the country is governed by an able President, the people enjoy peace and prosperity. But once an incapable man assumes the presidency, chaos will become the order of the day, a state of affairs which will finally lead to the overthrow of the President himself and the destruction of the country...
"Mr. Ko: ... And yet is there no plan possible whereby she may be saved?
"Mr. Hu: If China wishes to save herself from ultimate disappearance from the face of the earth, first of all she must get rid of the Republic. Should she desire wealth and strength, she must adopt a constitutional government. Should she want constitutional government she must first establish a monarchy…
"Mr. Ko: I do not understand why it is that a monarchy should be established before the constitutional form of government can be formed.
"Mr. Hu: Because if the present system continues there will be intermittent trouble. At every change of the President there will be riot and civil war. In order to avert the possibility of such awful times, place the President in a position which is permanent. It follows that the best thing is to make him Emperor. When that bone of contention is removed, the people will settle down to business and feel peace in their hearts, and devote their whole energy and time to the pursuit of their vocations. It is logical to assume that after the adoption of the monarchy they will concentrate their attention on securing a constitutional government which they know is the only salvation for their country. As for the Emperor, knowing that he derives his position from the change from a Republic, and filled with the desire of pacifying the people, he cannot help sanctioning the formation of the constitutional form of government, which in addition, will insure to his offspring the continuation of the Throne. Should he adopt any other course, he will be exposed to great personal danger. If he is broadminded, he will further recognize the fact that if no constitutional form of government is introduced, his policy will perish after his death...
"Mr. Ko: Please summarize your discussion.
"Mr. Hu: In short, the country cannot be saved except through the establishment of a constitutional form of government. No constitutional government can be formed except through the establishment of a monarchy. The constitutional form of government has a set of fixed laws, and the monarchy has a definite head who cannot be changed, in which matters lie the source of national strength and wealth ... "
Liang Ch'i-ch'ao was a leading scholar at the turn of the century. In 1898, he joined K'ang Yu-wei and other progressive intellectuals in advocating modernization of China following the Meiji Reform of Japan. When the movement ended in failure, Liang fled to Japan and continued his advocacy of reform in periodicals for Chinese students.
After the 1911 Revolution, Liang returned to China and entered politics. He was minister of justice in the cabinet of Hsiung Hsi-ling and subsequently resigned in order to oppose the monarchical movement. In late 1915, Liang helped to direct the Yunnan rebellion, which contributed to Yuan's downfall. Following is a part of Liang's appeal opposing the proposed change in the form of the state:
"Some time ago I said that, as political students, we should only care for cheng-t'i, i.e., the form of government, and not for kuo-t'i, i.e., the form of state. Do not call this trifling with words, for it is a principle which all critics of politics should follow and never depart from. The reason is that critics of politics should not, because they cannot, influence the question of kuo-t'i. They should not influence the question of kui-t'i because so long as the question of kuo-t'i remains unsettled the major portion of the administration remains at a standstill. Thus there will be no political situation properly so called and there will be no political questions to discuss (here the term political means administrative). If a critic of politics, therefore, interferes with the question of kuo-t'i, he will be leading the nation into a condition of political instability, thus undermining the ground on which the people stand. Such critics can be likened unto a man trying to enter a house without ascending the steps or crossing a river without a boat.
"They cannot influence the question of kuo-t'i. The force which drives and steers the change of one form of state or vice versa is generally not derived from mere politics. If the time is not ripe, then no amount of advocacy on the part of critics can hasten it. If the time is ripe, nothing the critics say can prevent it. He who indulges himself in the discussion of the problem of kuo-t'i, i.e., the form of the state, as a political student, is ignorant of his own limitations...
"No form of government is ideal. Its reason of existence can only be judged by what it has achieved. It is the height of folly to rely on theoretical conclusions as a basis for artificial arbitration as to what should be accepted and what discarded. Mere folly, however, is not to be seriously condemned. But the danger and harm to the country will be unmeasurable if a person has prejudiced views respecting a certain form of government and in order to prove the correctness of his prejudiced views, creates artificially a situation all by himself. For this reason my view has always been not to oppose any form of government. But I am always opposed to anyone who engages in propaganda in favor of a form of government other than the one under which we actually live. In the past I opposed those who tried to spread the republican form of government while the country was under monarchical government...
"I do not say that the merits or otherwise of the republican system should not be discussed, but the time for such a discussion has passed. The most opportune time for such a discussion was in 1911 when the Revolution had just begun; but since then further discussions should not be tolerated...
"Do not you realize that the state is a thing of great importance and should not be disturbed carelessly? How can you ·then experiment with it and treat it as if you were putting a chest into a dead hole, saying 'Let me place it here for the moment and I will see to it later'...
"But our modern critics say we prefer a constitutional monarchy to an autocratic republic. Now whether we are constitutional or not is a question concerning the administration, while the question whether we are republican or not is a question concerning the form or status of the country. We have always held that the question of kuo-t'i is above discussion and that what we should consider is the actual condition of administration. If the administration (government) is constitutional, then it matters not whether the country is a Republic or a Monarchy. If the government is not constitutional then neither a republic nor a monarchy will avail. There is no connection, therefore, between the question of kuo-t'i and the question of cheng-t'i. It is an absurd idea to say that in order to improve the administration we must change the kuo-t'i—the status or form of the country—as a necessity. If this idea is to be entertained for a single moment, the changes even in constitutional countries will be endless. But the curious paradox is that in former days the critics said that only a republic, not a monarchy, could be constitutional; whereas, the critics now say that a monarchy, not a republic, can alone be constitutional! ...
"Can it be possible that those who are now holding up the constitutional principle as a shield for their monarchical views have a different definition for the term 'constitution'? The Ch'ing (Manchu) dynasty considered itself as possessing a constitution in its last days. Did we recognize it as such? Let me also ask the critics what guarantee they have to offer that the constitution will be put into effect without hindrance as soon as the form of state is changed. If they cannot give any definite guarantee, then what they advocate is merely an absolute monarchy and not a constitutional monarchy. As it is not likely to be a constitutional monarchy, we may safely assume that it will be an imperial autocracy. I cannot regard it as a wise plan if, owing to dislike of its defects, the Republic should be transformed into an imperial autocracy. Owing to various unavoidable reasons, it is excusable in spite of violent opposition to adopt temporarily autocratic methods in a republican country. But if the plan proposed by present-day critics be put into effect, that on the promise of a constitution we should agree to the adoption of a monarchy, then the promise must be definitely made to the country at the time of transition that a constitutional government will become an actuality. But if, after the promise is made, existing conditions are alleged to justify the continuance of autocratic methods, I am afraid the whole country will not be so tolerant toward the Chief Executive. To assume outwardly the role of constitutional government, but in reality to rule in an unconstitutional manner, was the cause of the downfall of the Ch'ing dynasty. The object lesson is not obscure. Let us take warning by it.
"If, on the other hand, the present-day critics are really in earnest for a constitution, then I am unable to understand why they believe that this cannot be secured under the Republic but must be obtained in a roundabout way by means of a monarchy. In my view the real hindrances to the adoption of a constitution at the present day in China are the existing conditions, viz., the attitude of the officials and the traditions and intellectual standards of the people. But these hindrances have not resulted from the adoption of republicanism. Therefore they cannot be expected to disappear with the disappearance of the Republic. For instance, from the President downward to the minor official of every official organ in the capital or in the provinces, everyone inclines to be independent of the law, and considers it convenient to deal with affairs as he pleases. This is the greatest obstacle to constitutional government. Now has that anything to do with the change or not of the form of state? ...
"Now my friends, you have stated in a worthy manner the reasons why the republican form of state cannot assist China to maintain her existence. Now let me state why it is impossible to restore the monarchical system. The maintenance of the dignity of a monarch depends on a sort of mystical, historical, traditional influence or belief. Such an influence was capable of producing unconsciously and spontaneously a kind of effect to assist directly or indirectly in maintaining order and imparting blessing to the country. In this lies the value of a monarchy. But dignity is a thing not to be trifled with. Once it is trodden down it can never rise again ... Ever since the days of monarchical government the people have looked on the monarch with a sort of divine reverence, and never dared to question or criticize his position. After a period of republicanism, however, this attitude on the part of the common people has been abruptly terminated with no possibility of resurrection. A survey of all the republics of the world will tell us that although a large number of them suffered under republican rule, not a single one succeeded in shaking itself free of the republican fetters. Among the world republics only France has had her monarchical system revived twice after the republic was first inaugurated. The monarchy, however, disappeared almost immediately. Thus we may well understand how difficult it is for a country to return to its monarchical state after a republican regime. It may be said that China has had only a short experience of the republican regime. But it must also be remembered that the situation has been developing for more than 10 years and has been in actual existence for about four years. During the period of development the Revolutionists denounced the monarch in most extravagant terms and compared him to the devil. Their aim was to kill the mystic belief of the people in the emperor; for only by diminishing the dignity of the monarch could the Revolutionary cause make headway. And during and after the change all the official documents, school textbooks, press views and social gossip have always coupled the word monarch with reprobation...
"The Odes say, 'The people are tired. Let them have a respite'. In less than four years' time from the 8th moon of the year Hsin Hai (1911) we have had many changes. Like a bolt from the blue we had the Manchu Constitution, then 'the Republic of Five Races', then the Provisional President, then the formal Presidency, then the Provisional Constitution was promulgated, then it was suddenly amended, suddenly the National Assembly was convoked, suddenly it was dissolved, suddenly we had a cabinet system, suddenly it was changed to a presidential system, suddenly it was a short-term Presidency, suddenly the Provisional Constitution was temporarily placed in a legal position as a Permanent Constitution, suddenly the drafting of the Permanent Constitution was pressed. Generally speaking the average life of each new system has been less than six months, after which a new system quite contrary to the last succeeded it. Thus the whole country has been at a loss to know where it stood and how to act. And thus the dignity and credit of the government in the eyes of the people have been lowered down to the dust.
"A copy of Yang Tu's pamphlet, Constitutional Monarchy or the Salvation of China, reached me after I had finished writing the above discussion ... Who would have thought that a man who cares not for the question of the form of state like myself and who opposed you—Mr. Yang Tu—during your first campaign for the change in the form of state—you were a Republican then-would be opposing you again now that you are engaged in advocating another change in the form of state? A change in the form of government is a manifestation of progress while a change in the status of the state is a sign of revolution. The path of progress leads to further progress, but the path of revolution leads to more revolution. This is a fact proved by theory as well as actual experience. Therefore a man who has any love for his country is afraid to mention revolution; and as for myself I am always opposed to revolution. I am now opposing your theory of monarchical revolution, just as I once opposed your theory of republican revolution, in the same spirit, and I am doing the same duty. My belief is that since the country is now in a most weakened state, we may yet fail even if we do all we can at all times to nurse its wound and gather up its scattered strength. How can anyone devote his time and energy Jo the discussion of a question of no importance such as the form of state, and so obstruct the progress of the administration?...
"…Once I wrote a piece of poetry containing the following lines:
Ten years after you will think of me,
The country is excited. To whom shall I speak?
"I have spoken much in my life, and all my word have become subjects for meditation 10 years after they were uttered. Never, however, have any of my words attracted the attention of my own countrymen before a decade has spent itself. Is it a misfortune for m) words or a misfortune to the country? My hope is that there will be no occasion for the country to think of my present words 10 years hence."
Ts'ai Ao, who initiated the Yunnan revolt against Yuan (File photo)
After Yuan Shih-k'ai proclaimed himself Emperor Hung Hsien (Great Constitution) on December 12, 1915, General Ts'ai Ao (also spelled Ts'ai Ngo or Ts'ai O), former governor of Yunnan, rose in arms against him. With the support of Yunnan Governor Tang Chi-yao and Li Lieh-chun, former governor of Kiangsi, Ts'ai Ao declared the independence of Yunnan on December 25. The provinces of Kweichow and Kwangsi and parts of Szechwan then joined Yunnan.
The following account of Yuan Shih-k'ai and the monarchical movement was written by Paul Reinsch, the American minister to China from 1913 to 1919.
"With President Yuan Shih-k'ai I had a long interview on October 4th. He assumed complete indifference as to the popular vote soon to be taken. 'If the vote is favorable to the existing system,' he said, 'matters will simply remain as they are; a vote for the monarchy would, on the contrary, bring up many questions of organization. I favor a representative parliament, with full liberty of discussion but with limited powers over finance.'...
"It was plain that Yuan Shih-k'ai, while seeming very detached, was trying to justify the proposed change on the ground of making the government more efficient and giving it also a representative character.
"Doubtless Yuan Shih-k'ai had thought originally that the Japanese would not obstruct the movement, though ever since the time of his service in Korea he had not been favorably regarded by them. His supporters, indeed, claimed that the assurances first given to Yuan by the Japanese were strong enough to warrant him in expecting their support throughout. By the end of October, however, the Japanese government came to the conclusion that the project to put Yuan Shih-k'ai on the throne should, if possible, be stopped.
"A communication came from Japan to the United States, Great Britain, France and Russia, which expressed concern because the monarchical movement in China was likely to create disturbances and endanger foreign interests. Japan invited the other powers to join in advising the Chinese President against continuing this policy. The American government declined this invitation, because it did not desire to interfere in the internal affairs of another country. The other powers, however, fell in with the Japanese suggestion, and on October 29th the Japanese charge d'affaires and the British, French and Russian ministers called at the Foreign Office and individually gave 'friendly counsel' to the effect that it would be desirable to stop the monarchical movement.
"The British minister asked whether the Minister for Foreign Affairs thought disturbances could surely be prevented; whereat the Chinese rejoiced, believing it a friendly hint that everything would be well, provided no disturbances should take place. As the machinery for holding the elections had been set in motion, the Chinese leaders believed that any action to stop them would bring discredit and loss of prestige.
"The final voting in the convention of district delegates at Peking on December 9th registered a unanimous desire from the elections of November 5th to have Yuan Shih-k'ai assume the imperial dignity ... On the basis of these elections, the acting Parliament passed a resolution bestowing on Yuan Shih-k'ai the imperial title and calling upon him to take up the duties therewith connected. He twice rejected the proposal, but when it was sent to him the third time he submitted, having exhausted the traditional forms of polite refusal.
"When Yuan was actually elected emperor, the Entente Powers were puzzled. They announced that they would await developments. The Chinese Minister for Foreign Affairs informed them that there would be some delay, as many preparations were still required before the promulgation of the empire could be made. But it was generally believed that the movement had reached fruition. The Russian and French ministers had already expressed themselves privately as favorable to recognition. The German and Austrian ministers hastened to offer Yuan their felicitations, which embarrassed the Chinese not a little. The majority of foreign representatives at Peking were favorable to recognizing the new order on January 1st, when the promulgation was to be made. Messages of devotion and sometimes of fulsome praise came to the emperor-elect (already called Ta Huang Ti—the Great Emperor) from foreigners. Foreign advisers, including the Japanese but not the Americans, set forth their devotion in glowing phrases. Doctor Ariga, the Japanese adviser, expressed his feelings in the traditional language of imperial ceremony...
"Suddenly on Christmas Day, came the report that an opposition movement had been started in Yunnan province.
"A young general, Ts'ai Ao, who had for a time lived in Peking where he held an administrative post, had left the capital during the summer and had cooperated with Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, after the latter resigned his position as minister of justice. Liang Ch'i-ch'ao attacked the monarchical movement in the press, writing from the foreign concession at Tientsin. General Ts'ai Ao returned to his native Yunnan, and from that mountain fastness launched a military expedition which was opposed to the Emperor-elect.
"So the dead unanimity was suddenly disrupted. Now voices of opposition came from all sides. The Chinese are fatalists. The movement to carry Yuan into imperial power had seemed to them irresistible; many had therefore suppressed their doubts and fears. But when an open opposition was started they flocked to the new standard and everywhere there appeared dissenters...
"Meanwhile, with foresight and astuteness, General Ts'ai Ao and Liang Ch'i-ch'ao were planning their movement against Yuan. By establishing the first independent government in the remote province of Yunnan they made sure that Yuan Shih-k'ai would be unable to vindicate his authority over all China at an early time. With Yunnan as the starting point, it was hoped that the provinces of Kweichow, Kwangsi and Szechwan could be induced to associate themselves with the anti-monarchist movement. Though Canton had a large garrison of Yuan's troops, it was hoped that inroads would be made even there.
"Everybody thought that the monarchy was to be proclaimed on New Year's Day, 1916. Disaffection, it was realized, though hitherto confined to a remote province, might spread; delay was dangerous. Business in the Yangtze Valley and elsewhere was dull. Merchants blamed the Central Government, and murmurings were heard. General Feng Kuo-chang, who had at first encouraged Yuan Shih-k'ai, now reserved his independence of action...
"If Yuan and his advisers had acted boldly at this time in promulgating the monarchy, recognition by a number of powers would probably have followed, especially as the continuity of the personnel of the government made recognition easier. But hesitation and delay strengthened the opposition. Yunnanese troops had by the end of January penetrated into the neighboring provinces of Szechwan and Kwangsi . . . Efforts of the general loyal to Yuan to expel the Yunnanese from Szechwan province were" unsuccessful ... Encouraged by the open opposition, ill-will against Yuan Shih-k'ai began to be shown in other localities, particularly in Hunan and in the southernmost provinces, Kwangsi and Kwangtung. Rivalries hitherto held in check by Yuan's strong hand also came to the fore. In central China the two men holding the great military power, Generals Feng Kuo-chang and Chang Hsun, began to cherish resentment against the President; for, in exchanging notes upon meeting, they discovered that Yuan had set each of them to watch the other.
"Even now the monarchical movement might have gained strength from the moderates, who feared the Japanese. They did not wish to see the national unity disrupted. 'Get a constitution and a representative legislature,' they advised Yuan Shih-k'ai. 'Put in play a constructive program of state action; reform the finances and the audit, simplify the taxes, extend works of public use, build roads, reclaim lands, develop agriculture and industry, and all might yet be well.' "
When Yuan Shih-k'ai realized that people at large were against him and that the troops in Yunnan grew bigger and bigger, he issued the following decree on March 22, 1916, to cancel the Empire:
" . . . A perusal of our history of several thousand years will reveal in vivid manner the sad fate of the descendants of ancient kings and emperors. What then could have prompted me to aspire to the Throne? Yet while the representatives of the people were unwilling to believe in the sincerity of my refusal of the offer, a section of the people appear to have suspected me of harboring the desire of gaining more power and privileges. Such difference in thought has resulted in the creation of an exceedingly dangerous situation. As my sincerity has not been such as to win the hearts of the people and my judgment has not been sound enough to appraise every man, I have myself alone to blame for lack of virtue. Why then should I blame others? The people have been thrown into misery and my soldiers have been made to bear hardships. And further the people have been cast into panic and commerce has rapidly declined. When I search my own heart a measure of sorrow fills it. I shall, therefore, not be unwilling to suppress myself in order to yield to others.
"I am still of the opinion that the 'designition petitions' submitted through the Ts'an Cheng Yuan (Political Council) are unsuited to the demands of the time; and the official acceptance of the Imperial Throne made on the 11th day of the 12th month of last year (December 11, 1915) is hereby canceled. The 'designation petitions' of the provinces and of the special administrative areas are hereby all returned through the State Department to the Ts'an Cheng Yuan, i.e., the acting Li Fa Yuan (Parliament), to be forwarded to the petitioners for destruction; and all the preparations connected therewith are to cease at once. In this wise I hope to imitate the sincerity of the ancients by taking on myself all the blame so that my action may fall in line with the spirit of humanity which is the expression of the will of Heaven. I now cleanse my heart and wash my thoughts to the end that trouble may be averted and the people may have peace. Those who advocated the monarchical system were prompted by the desire to strengthen the foundation of the country; but as their methods have proved unsuitable, their patriotism might harm the country. Those who have opposed the monarchy have done so out of their desire to express their political views. It may be therefore presumed that they would not go to the extreme and so endanger the country. They should, therefore, all harken to the voice of their own conscience and sacrifice their prejudices, and with one mind and one purpose unite in the effort of saving the situation so that the glorious descendants of the Sacred Continent may be spared the horrors of internal warfare and the bad omens may be changed into lucky signs.
"In brief I now confess that all the faults of the country are the result of my own faults. Now that the acceptance of the Imperial Throne has been canceled, every man will be responsible for his own action if he further disturbs the peace of the locality and thus give an opportunity to others. I, the Great President, being charged with the duty of ruling over the whole country, cannot remain idle while the country is racing to perdition. At the present moment the homesteads are in misery, discipline has been disregarded, administration is being neglected and real talents have not been given a chance. When I think of such conditions I awake in the darkness of midnight. How can we stand as a nation if such a state of affairs is allowed to continue? Hereafter all officials should thoroughly get rid of their corrupt habits and endeavor to achieve merit. They should work with might and main in their duties, whether in introducing reforms or in abolishing old corruptions. Let all be not satisfied with empty words and entertain no bias regarding any affair. They should hold up as their main principle of administration the policy that only reality will count and deal out reward or punishment with strict promptness. Let us all—our generals, officials, soldiers and people—all act in accordance with this ideal."
Yuan Shih-k'ai reputedly was stricken ill in December of 1915 when Ts'ai Ao and other military leaders revolted against him. When he heard of the successive declarations of independence in Szechwan, Hunan and other provinces, Yuan could no longer control his anxiety. With Yuan's death on June 6, 1916, the political situation went from bad to worse. Chaos reigned for the next decade. Warlords squabbled and fought one another. The government in Peking existed in name only, as presidents and cabinets came and went. It remained for Chiang Kai-shek's March Northward to terminate the confusion and bring China together again.